Prime Minister of Armenia since 2018

Nikol Vovayi Pashinyan (Armenian: Նիկոլ Վովայի Փաշինյան, pronounced:; born 1 June 1975) is an Armenian politician serving as the prime minister of Armenia since 8 May 2018.

A journalist by profession, Pashinyan founded his own newspaper in 1998, which was shut down a year later. He was sentenced for one year for defamation against then Minister of National Security Serzh Sargsyan. He edited the newspaper Haykakan Zhamanak ("Armenian Times") from 1999 to 2012. Sympathetic to Armenia's first president Levon Ter-Petrosyan, he was highly critical of second president Robert Kocharyan, Defense Minister Serzh Sargsyan, and their allied oligarchs. He led a minor opposition party in the 2007 parliamentary election, garnering 1.3% of the vote.

Pashinyan was an outspoken supporter of Ter-Petrosyan, who made a political comeback prior to the 2008 presidential election, before losing to Serzh Sargsyan amidst widespread vote fraud and violence. Noted for his fiery speeches, Pashinyan had a significant role in the post-election protests which were squashed by government forces on 1 March 2008, resulting in the deaths of ten people. Blamed for "organizing m* disorders", he went into hiding until mid-2009. He was controversially sentenced to seven years in prison, a move seen as politically motivated. He was released in May 2011 as part of a general amnesty. He was elected to parliament from Ter-Petrosyan's broad opposition coalition, the Armenian National Congress, in 2012.

Pashinyan later distanced himself from Ter-Petrosyan on political grounds, establishing the party Civil Contract. Along with two other opposition parties, Pashinyan formed the Way Out Alliance which garnered almost 8% of the vote in the 2017 parliamentary election. He was the leader of the 2018 Armenian revolution which forced Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan and his government to resign. He was elected acting prime minister by parliament on 8 May 2018 and won snap parliamentary elections in December 2018. Under Pashinyan, Armenia has seen a significant improvement in democracy, freedom of the press, and tackling corruption. Armenia's economy has also grown significantly, becoming one of the fastest growing economies in the post-Soviet Union.

Pashinyan led Armenia through the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War, the most recent and significant outbreak of violence due to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia with the self-proclaimed Republic of Artsakh and its neighbor Azerbaijan. The war, which was ended after 44 days of fighting by a trilateral ceasefire agreement signed by Pashinyan on 9 November 2020, resulted in significant human, material and territorial losses for the Armenian side. Following the war, Pashinyan faced protests and calls for his resignation for signing the Russian-brokered truce with Azerbaijan. Despite the protests and a declaration by 40 high-ranking military officers calling for his resignation (which Pashinyan described as a coup attempt), Pashinyan resisted calls to hand over political power. On 25 April 2021, Pashinyan announced his formal resignation to allow snap elections to be held in June, although he remained as acting prime minister in the leadup to the elections. His party won the 2021 election, receiving more than half of all votes.

Pashinyan took the leadership of the Collective Security Treaty Organization on rotational basis for 16 September 2022.

Contents

• 1 Early life and education
• 2 Journalism career
  • 2.1 Haykakan Zhamanak
• 3 Early political career
  • 3.1 2007 parliamentary election
  • 3.2 2008 presidential election
    • 3.2.1 Election campaign
    • 3.2.2 Post-election protests and violence
• 4 Escape, hiding and conviction
  • 4.1 Surrender
  • 4.2 Trial
  • 4.3 2010 by-election
• 5 Release and election to the parliament
• 6 Break with Ter-Petrosyan
• 7 Civil Contract and Way Out Alliance
  • 7.1 2017 parliamentary election
  • 7.2 2017 Yerevan election
• 8 2018 revolution
  • 8.1 March
  • 8.2 Protests and civil disobedience
  • 8.3 Transfer of power
• 9 Premiership
  • 9.1 Resignation and reelection
  • 9.2 Economy
• 10 Views
  • 10.1 Ideology
  • 10.2 Nagorno-Karabakh
  • 10.3 Foreign policy
    • 10.3.1 Relations with Russia
    • 10.3.2 Relations with Turkey
    • 10.3.3 Relations with Iran and the United States
  • 10.4 Violence in politics
    • 10.4.1 2016 Yerevan police station standoff
  • 10.5 2015 cons*utional referendum
  • 10.6 Social issues
  • 10.7 Repatriation
• 11 Image and reputation
  • 11.1 Criticism
• 12 Personal life
• 13 References
• 14 External links

Early life and education

Nikol Pashinyan was born on 1 June 1975 in Ijevan, in the northeastern province of Tavush. At least one of his grandparents was from the village of Yenokavan, around 10 kilometres (6.2:mi) from Ijevan. He was named after his paternal grandfather who died in World War II. He served in the 554th Rifle Regiment of the 138th Rifle Division and died in 1943. His father, Vova Pashinyan (1940-2020), worked as a football and volleyball coach and as a physical education teacher. His mother Svetlana died when he was 12 and he was mostly raised by his stepmother, Yerjanik, who was Vova's second wife. He graduated from the Ijevan Secondary School N1 in 1991. During the Karabakh movement of 1988 Pashinyan organized students strikes, marches and demonstrations. He did not serve in the Armenian Army because his two elder brothers served before him and he was not obliged to serve by law. Pashinyan studied journalism at Yerevan State University (YSU) from 1991 to 1995. He was expelled from the university just before graduation for his political activities. In a 2015 interview Pashinyan stated that he considers himself more of a journalist because journalism brought him into politics.

Journalism career

Pashinyan became engaged in journalism in 1992 as a journalism student at YSU. He worked at the newspapers Dprutyun, Hayastan, Lragir, and Molorak. By 1995 he had a reputation of a leading and talented journalist by his colleagues. In 1998 he founded the daily Oragir ("Diary"). It was affiliated with the Nor Ughi ("New Path") opposition party led by former Minister of Education Ashot Bleyan. During the 1999 parliamentary election Oragir was highly critical of Country of Legality, the party of Serzh Sargsyan, then Minister of the Interior and National Security, and the Right and Accord Bloc led by Artashes Geghamyan and supported by Samvel Babayan, the powerful defense minister of Nagorno-Karabakh. During the election Oragir published 281 articles on political parties participating in the election, of which 11 were positive. All positive coverage was given to ex-president Levon Ter-Petrosyan's Pan-Armenian National Movement (HHSh), which the newspaper sympathized with.

In August 1999 Pashinyan was sentenced to one year in prison after refusing to pay a fine of around $25,000. He was also ordered to retract his accusations against Serzh Sargsyan and Mika-Armenia, a large trading company which the court had ruled cons*uted defamation. The properties of Oragir were confiscated and its bank accounts frozen. According to Simon Payaslian, the case made Pashinyan the "first journalist prosecuted for libel in post-Soviet Armenia." His conviction was widely criticized by Armenian and foreign human rights activists. Human rights defender Avetik Ishkhanian noted that "In 1999 almost as many cases were brought against Oragir as against all newspapers of Armenia from 1994 till 1998. This is evidence of political persecution." Under apparent local and international pressure, the Court of Appeals reduced his punishment to a one-year suspended sentence because the original sentence was too harsh.

Haykakan Zhamanak

Following the demise of Oragir, Pashinyan became the editor of Haykakan Zhamanak ("Armenian Times"), affiliated with the minor opposition Democratic Homeland Party, led by former MP Petros Makeyan which had split off from the Ter-Petrosyan led HHSh. Pashinyan remained editor of the newspaper until 2012, when he was elected to parliament. The US State Department characterized both Oragir and Haykakan Zhamanak as "sensationalist political tabloids." The U.S. government-funded Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty described the newspaper as "sympathetic to Armenia's former leadership , is known for its hard-hitting coverage of President Robert Kocharian and his government."

On 23 December 1999, Pashinyan was beaten by a "gang" of dozen men who were reportedly led by a local businessman who was angered by an article in Haykakan Zhamanak that accused him of corruption.

In March 2002, Pashinyan was charged with slandering Hovhannes Yeritsyan, head of the civil aviation agency of Armenia, for allegedly insulting the latter in the 6 November 2001 issue of the newspaper, which featured a photo of Yeritsyan with the caption, "Degenerate officials recruited for the civil service." The charges were condemned by the three largest parliamentary groups, including pro-government ones. The case was eventually dropped in April by prosecutors by citing lack of evidence.

On 22 November 2004, a Lada Niva car belonging to Pashinyan, parked outside the office of Haykakan Zhamanak exploded. The fire caused by the explosion was put out by firefighters. Pashinyan believed it was an attack perpetrated by Gagik Tsarukyan, an oligarch and MP close to president Robert Kocharyan who was deputy chairman of the Armenian Olympic Committee (AOC). He suggested it may have been a retaliation for a "derogatory cartoon" deploring the poor performance of Armenian athletes at the Athens Olympics. The newspaper staff believed it was hit by a Molotov *tail or an improvised explosive device. A police inquiry immediately pointed to an apparent "breakdown of the car battery's wires." Tsarukyan denied any involvement. Instead, he stated: "In order to boost their standing people may say different unnecessary things," after which he laughed.

Early political career

During the 1998 Armenian presidential election, Pashinyan was a member of the election office of presidential candidate Ashot Bleyan, former Minister of Education and Science under president Levon Ter-Petrosyan. Bleyan was the leader of the Nor Ughi ("New Path") Party, which had split from (HHSh), the ruling party of Ter-Petrosyan.

2007 parliamentary election

Levon Ter-Petrosyan

Pashinyan entered the political scene prior to the 2007 parliamentary election. He led the Impeachment Union, an electoral bloc consisting of his political organization named "Alternative" and the Democratic Fatherland and Conservative parties, led by former HHSh MP Petros Makeyan and Mikayel Hayrapetyan, respectively. The primary policy goal of the bloc was impeaching President Robert Kocharyan, but also ousting Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan and oligarch Gagik Tsarukyan from power. On 20 February 2007, their first rally at Yerevan's Freedom Square drew around 1,000 people, which prompted RFE/RL to note that Ter-Petrosyan's allies have a "persisting lack of public support." The bloc offered a liberal alternative to the policies of Kocharyan. Pashinyan stated at the rally: "We have come to this square to say that we are the masters of our country, the masters of its misery and splendor, its heroism and recklessness, its victories and defeats. What we want is a homeland with citizens, a homeland which is able to protect its citizens."

On 9 May 2007, three days before the election, the Impeachment Union, along with the Hanrapetutyun Party and the New Times party, organized a march to the National Security Service building to demand the release of ex-foreign minister Alexander Arzumanyan, whom they considered a political prisoner. It led to clashes, where policemen beat members of the opposition with batons and used tear gas to disperse the crowd. Pashinyan told the crowd: "Victory is not achieved at once. Victory is achieved step by step. Today we took a very important step towards our victory. Well done." Ararat Mahtesyan, deputy chief of police, blamed Pashinyan for the violence: "Several participants led by Nikol Pashinyan provoked an incident with police, dashed to the National Security Service entrance, and when police tried to stop their movement, scuffles broke out." The police's actions were condemned by other opposition parties. Members of the opposition later moved to Freedom Square where they held a demonstration. Impeachment garnered 17,475 votes and came in 13th, with 1.28% of the overall vote, far below the threshold. Following the election, Pashinyan held a two-day sit-in at Freedom Square to denounce the election results as rigged and demand the invalidation of its results. Pashinyan left the Cons*utional Court in protest on 7 June, claiming judicial farce and prejudgment.

2008 presidential election

Election campaign

Main article: 2008 Armenian presidential election

In July 2007, Pashinyan stated that the opposition can prevent vote rigging and defeat Serzh Sargsyan, the likely 2008 presidential successor of Kocharyan, only if they unite around a single presidential candidate. Levon Ter-Petrosyan, Armenia's first president, made a comeback on 21 September 2007 – appearing publicly for the first time since his resignation in 1998. Pashinyan and Haykakan Zhamanak expressed support for Ter-Petrosyan. Pashinyan stood behind Ter-Petrosyan when the latter announced his comeback at the Marriott Hotel Yerevan. Pashinyan was considered a key ally of Ter-Petrosyan during the 2008 presidential election campaign and was a member of his election office.

Pashinyan was detained with several others for less than a day after an altercation with police officers on 16 October 2007 when a group of Ter-Petrosyan's supporters were announcing an upcoming rally over a loudspeaker. Pashinyan was again detained on 23 October along with other activists. They were taken into custody after a brawl with policemen led by Aleksandr Afyan, deputy chief of the Yerevan police, during a march through the center of Yerevan to inform p*ersby about Ter-Petrosyan's upcoming rally. Police accused opposition activists of disrupting public order, while Pashinyan stated that Afyan "behaved like a street criminal." Pashinyan, along with other activists, were released the next day when Ter-Petrosyan himself negotiated with Afyan. On 30 October Pashinyan was charged with participation in m* riots and "violence against a representative of the authorities." Pashinyan did not show up to the police station. His house was searched by police officers who did not find him there. Pashinyan claimed the increasing attacks on opposition activists was due to the growing number of Ter-Petrosyan supporters. He said, "The authorities realize that events are taking a dangerous turn for them. That is why they are taking jittery steps which will not yield any results."

Post-election protests and violence

Main article: 2008 Armenian presidential election protests

On election day, 19 February 2008, the Ter-Petrosyan camp reported numerous violations and cases of violence, while Pashinyan put responsibility for any possible violence on the "ruling regime." Due to significant violations, he called the election an "attempt at a criminal coup d'etat." He claimed that Ter-Petrosyan had won in the first round. Pashinyan was one of the most prominent orators during the post-election protests in late February. On 21 February, when Ter-Petrosyan's supporters set up tents at Freedom Square, Pashinyan declared the square to be the central headquarters of Ter-Petrosyan. He declared, "We expect our legitimate demands to be met. Our actions will be peaceful as long as all we have not exhausted all legal methods of struggle. We are prepared for any scenario." He urged demonstrators to be restrained and patient.

Pashinyan also stated in a speech that they demanded invalidation of the vote and new presidential elections.

Protesters on 1 March 2008

Ter-Petrosyan's supporters gathered at Myasnikyan Square, near the French Emb*y and Yerevan City Hall where Pashinyan became the main orator. Ter-Petrosyan was put under house arrest. In late afternoon, Pashinyan called on the crowd to reinforce the barricades around the square and "boost their self-defense" in case of a police attack. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) reported that "Many protesters were already armed with metal and wooden sticks and sounded bullish about taking on security forces. Some held truncheons and shields seized from riot police." Pashinyan called on the crowd to stay calm and not to communicate with the police. RFE/RL also noted that there are no "demonstrators carrying weapons." Later in the evening, after around 20,000 people had gathered at Myasnikyan Square, government forces began an *ault against the protesters by firing rounds into the air to disperse them. Pashinyan urged people to stay. He also blamed the government for "destabilizing the situation." Pashinyan denies provoking violence.

In March 2018, Pashinyan asked the Prosecutor General of Armenia to subpoena Kocharyan for questioning for the events of 1 March 2008 and the latter's order to use force. Kocharyan's spokesman Viktor Sog*nyan responded calling Pashinyan "the main provocateur and organizer of the 1 March 2008 disturbances." In his 2018 memoir, Kocharyan heavily criticized Pashinyan. Characterizing Pashinyan as "a main actor behind the riots in front of the city hall that resulted in casualties" and accused him of "purposeful manipulation of the m*es."

Escape, hiding and conviction

Pashinyan went into hiding on 2 March as post-election demonstrations were violently dispersed by government forces, resulting in the deaths of ten people. In March 2018 he publicly announced the details of his escape from the scene of demonstrations in the night of 2 March 2008. He spent time at different locations (mostly houses of friends and acquaintances) in Yerevan and never left the city.

In hiding, Pashinyan continued regularly writing commentaries in Haykakan Zhamanak. In his writings, Pashinyan claimed to be travelling around the world with a fake Serbian p*port. In 2009, he stated at a court that his accounts about supposed adventures were a piece of literary fiction. In October 2008, he wrote that the authorities have proved that only through a revolution can rule of law, civil rights and free economic compe*ion be established in Armenia. He stated that he believes in a "bloodless and peaceful" revolution and stressed that it depends on the authorities. He blamed the deaths of ten people on 1 March on Robert Kocharyan and Serzh Sargsyan, whom he said "ordered and organized the slaughter."

Surrender

In late June 2009, Pashinyan declared that he had decided to come out of hiding after a general amnesty was declared by the government. He stated, "I conclude with pride that it is now my turn to become a political prisoner. My decision to move from underground to prison is also driven by a concern about effective political struggle. The struggle needs fresh impetus. Some of my political prisoner comrades will give that impetus after regaining their freedom, while I hope to do that after finding myself in prison." Pashinyan arrived at the General Prosecutor's Office on 1 July 2009 and surrendered himself. Entering the building, Pashinyan told surprised officers: "Hello. I am Nikol Pashinyan, and I came to be arrested." It followed an amnesty declared by the National *embly which would allow him to be released if his sentence was less than 5 years. He declared that he will continue his struggle in prison. A court authorized a two-month period of custody for Pashinyan, which was extended for the same period in August. Heritage, the major parliamentary opposition, declared that they consider Pashinyan a political prisoner whose detention is part of the "political vendetta by the country's ruling group." An open letter signed by 60 intellectuals and public figures in August 2009 called for his release. A number of independent and pro-opposition newspapers and other media also called for his release from pre-trial detention.

Trial

Pashinyan's trial began on 20 October 2009. In his first speech, Pashinyan called his trial a "continuation of political repressions." The verdict was delivered on 19 January 2010 by the court of the general jurisdiction of the communities of Kentron and Nork-Marash in Yerevan. He was sentenced to seven years in prison for "organizing m* disorders" on 1–2 March 2008. He was given a stricter punishment than the prosecutor demanded. He was acquitted of charges of using violence against a policeman (kicking a police officer in the leg) during the election campaign in October 2007.

The Court of Appeals of Armenia upheld the ruling on 9 March 2010, also ruling that Pashinyan will serve half of his sentence in accordance with the general amnesty. The Court of C*ation upheld the decision on 6 May 2010.

On 18 January 2022, the European Court of Human Rights issued a verdict in the case of Pashinyan v. Armenia submitted in 2010, concerning the 2008 presidential elections, recognising the violation of Pashinyan's rights to freedom of *embly and expression, personal integrity, liberty and security during the events of 2008, when he was still an oppositionist and got arrested on charges of organizing m* riots and sentenced to 7 years. Pashinyan did not file claims for material compensation with the European Court.

Reactions

Pashinyan was widely recognized as a political prisoner, including by international organizations, and Armenian media.

Davit Shahnazaryan, ex-Minister of National Security, stated that it is a "lynch trial against a representative of the opposition."

Thomas Hammarberg, Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, noted that the Prosecutor General's office used a "detailed expert *ysis of the linguistic and psychological aspects of Mr Pashinyan's speech had been performed, and that this was instrumental in proving his role in organising the m* disorders." Parliamentary *embly of the Council of Europe (PACE) co-rapporteurs for Armenia, John Prescott and Axel Fischer stated in their 2011 report Pashinyan's "continued detention is also highly problematic." They stated, "Both the grounds for Mr Pashinyan's conviction, as well as the manner in which his sentence was handed out, raise very serious questions."

In December 2010 dozens of members of the Armenian National Academy of Sciences, a generally pro-government establishment organization, signed a letter calling for Pashinyan's release.

November 2010 incident and transfer

On 11 November 2010 Pashinyan claimed to have been attacked inside his prison cell at Kosh prison by two masked men. The Armenian Justice Ministry denied the claims: "No injuries were detected as a result of the examination, while prisoners testified that there was no violence." He was moved into solitary confinement for security reasons a week later. He was transferred to the Artik prison on 30 November under another stricter regime. The Ministry of Justice claimed he was transferred due to alleged violations of prison regulations.

2010 by-election

In late October 2009, Pashinyan declared his intention to run for a seat in the parliament in the 10th cons*uency, a single-member district that covered the center of Yerevan. The seat was vacated by Khachatur Sukiasyan, a businessman and an ally of Ter-Petrosyan. He became the first jailed candidate in independent Armenia's history to run for parliament. He initially could not to registered as a candidate because the P*port and Visa Department of the Police refused to confirm that Pashinyan had resided in Armenia for the past five years. A court ruled that there was no proof Pashinyan had left Armenia during his time in hiding. He was registered as a candidate on 5 December. The Armenian National Congress and Ter-Petrosyan campaigned extensively for Pashinyan. Youth activists of the ANC were beaten up while campaigning.

The election, held on 10 January 2010, returned a low turnout of just 24%. Pashinyan garnered 39% of the votes (4,650), while the pro-government candidate Ara Simonyan won some 59% (6,850). Pashinyan ally and former MP Petros Makeyan and two others were beaten and hospitalized during the election. The ANC condemned the election results by citing numerous irregularities. A similar opinion was stated by the U.S. emb*y.

Release and election to the parliament

Pashinyan was released from Artik prison on 27 May 2011 in accordance with the general amnesty declared by the government. Greeting a crowd of supporters gathered outside the gates, he declared "Our fights is unpreventable, our victory inevitable." He was released along with Sasun Mikayelyan, a Karabakh War veteran and an ally of Ter-Petrosyan. They were the two last major opposition politicians jailed for the 1 March events. Pashinyan affirmed that he and the ANC are committed to the idea of democratic revolution in Armenia.

2011 protestsMain article: 2011 Armenian protests

On 31 May 2011, the ANC held a rally at Freedom Square for the first time since the 1 March events. Ter-Petrosyan called for talks with the government. Pashinyan speaking at a rally for the first time since the 1 March 2008 events declared, "From today on we start a political process in favour of early presidential and parliamentary elections, because only they may return people's faith in its future." Ter-Petrosyan considered Pashinyan's release an unprecedented victory. Pashinyan, in an interview, said that either snap election "will take place as a result of the dialogue" between the ANC and the government or they will take place under "popular pressure." He called for an early presidential election which would be an "opportunity for a smooth resignation of power." After failed talks with the government, Pashinyan called for a revolution. He declared, "Robert Kocharyan, Serzh Sargsyan and their oligarchs shall return all the loot to the last penny to the people. They will face trial and made responsible for the murders of 1 March 2008, and for oppressing their people."

2012 election

During the 2012 parliamentary election Pashinyan was a candidate both in the party-list (#7) of the Armenian National Congress (ANC) and as a single-cons*uency candidate in the 7th electoral district, which covered Yerevan's Malatia-Sebastia District. During the election Pashinyan notably called on voters to wage a "revolution of 30 seconds". He explained that voters are alone inside the voting booths and they can wage a revolution by voting for the ANC in the 30 second that they have for themselves. He stated, "We do not expect your active participation in our rallies, campaign for the ANC in your workplace and at home. You enter the polling booth, vote for the ANC, and that's it, the revolution starts, the door opens up for the future of their children, for justice." In the cons*uency he came in second with around 28% of the vote after Samvel Aleksanyan, an oligarch affiliated with the Republican Party, who garnered 58% of the vote. During the election campaign in Malatia-Sebastia, Pashinyan was confronted by several dozen pro-Aleksanyan women voters. In response, Pashinyan told Aleksanyan not to "send women and hide behind their backs." In a different incident, a group of Pashinyan supporters was attacked by young men. Pashinyan was elected member of the National *embly from the ANC, which barely p*ed the 7% threshold for electoral alliances and received 7 seats.

Break with Ter-Petrosyan

In October 2012, Pashinyan publicly denounced any potential ANC collaboration with Gagik Tsarukyan and his Prosperous Armenia party. Ter-Petrosyan argued that through a cooperation with Tsarukyan, the ANC would be able to depose Serzh Sargsyan. Pashinyan stated he "did not find a compromise with March 1 criminals possible" in a reference to ex-president Kocharyan who was thought to be supportive of Tsarukyan. Regarding the 2013 presidential election, he believed that Ter-Petrosyan would nominate his candidacy and "all those who want to defeat Serzh Sargsyan can defend Levon Ter-Petrosyan's candidacy."

After Ter-Petrosyan declined to be a presidential candidate, Pashinyan did not endorse any candidate. However, following the election, he showed outspoken support for the official runner-up, Raffi Hovannisian. He stated, "The current political situation is more than clear. People trust the leader of the Heritage party, Raffi Hovannisian, who must present to the society his vision regarding the further developments. My *istance to the further programs of Raffi Hovannisian will depend on their political and civil contents. Bringing the Armenian people to real victories is the goal that I have always served and will continue to serve." In the post-election protests, Pashinyan joined Hovannisian at Freedom Square, where he called the latter the "elected president" since the elections were rigged by Sargsyan's government. Pashinyan stated at the 20 February rally that the end results of the protests depends on Hovannisian's "determination" and ability to "address the people without puzzles. The people of Armenia cannot be led to a defeat or disappointment. Victory or northing! Victory and nothing else!"

Pashinyan eventually severed ties with Ter-Petrosyan's ANC over the latter's pursuit of cooperation with Tsarukyan's party, although he remained nominally a member of the ANC's faction in parliament.

Civil Contract and Way Out Alliance

The board of Civil Contract, December 2013 Pashinyan in 2014

Following his break with Ter-Petrosyan and the ANC, Pashinyan founded a political group called "Civil Contract" on 9 December 2013. Pashinyan, who was one of the 7 members of its governing body, declared that they will seek to remove Serzh Sargsyan from power and hold free and fair elections. Other members of the board were Sasun Mikayelyan and 5 formerly politically unaffiliated activists.

Pashinyan increasingly distanced himself from Ter-Petrosyan and criticized him for making false promises to his supporters about imminent snap elections after the 2008 government crackdown. In October 2014 he criticized the trio of ANC, Prosperous Armenia and Heritage parties for their alleged power-sharing deals with Serzh Sargsyan instead of forcing him to resign. Pashinyan criticized the ambiguity of their demands and accused them of monopolizing of the political field in Armenia. In November 2014 he announced his plans to start an impeachment process against Serzh Sargsyan to contribute to the "fulfillment of the trio's pledge to end the ‘heated political autumn’ with regime change." Besides Pashinyan, two MPs from Heritage party, Alexander Arzumanyan and Zaruhi Postanjyan, signed the draft law on Sargsyan's impeachment.

2017 parliamentary election

Main article: 2017 Armenian parliamentary election

On 30 May 2015, Civil Contract was registered as a political party. Pashinyan stated about the foundation of the party: "We are setting up a party that does not intend to be in opposition for long and expects to *ume power in the Republic of Armenia in the foreseeable future by gaining a popular vote of confidence." For the first time in his career, Pashinyan joined a political party. The party immediately declared its intention to participate in the 2017 parliamentary election. In November 2015 Pashinyan stated that they will make a promise about regime change only once and will not "lead the people to defeat." The party sought to recruit 6,000 proxies—3 for each of the approximately 2,000 electoral precincts of Armenia to prevent electoral fraud.

Pashinyan announcing his nomination as prime minister at a Civil Contract rally in Freedom Square, 10 September 2016

On 10 September 2016 Pashinyan was declared the Civil Contract's candidate for prime minister at a rally in Freedom Square. Though initially skeptical of the idea of electoral blocs, Pashinyan stated in October 2016 that they are ready to cooperate with other parties. On 1 December 2016, Civil Contract, Bright Armenia (led by MP Edmon Marukyan), and the Hanrapetutyun Party (led by former PM Aram Sargsyan) announced their intention to join forces. The 3 parties signed a memorandum of cooperation on 12 December. The newly founded alliance stated that they hoped to win 50 plus 1 percent of vote in the election. The bloc was named Yelk ("Way Out") on 23 December. Pashinyan explained the name as follows: "The latest political news in Armenia is that there is a way out of this situation." The bloc also claimed to strive to establish a "European model of the democratic, rule-of-law and social state" in Armenia. The bloc positioned itself as the only true opposition to Serzh Sargsyan, claiming that Gagik Tsarukyan and Seyran Ohanyan would prefer cutting deals with Sargsyan instead of regime change. The alliance was seen as pro-Western and "standing for election to replace with a new generation of younger Armenian leaders." Despite widespread voter apathy and cynicism, Pashinyan stressed that there is a "way out of the depressive crisis that has plagued Armenia." Pashinyan believed that the bloc could win the elections, following an energetic campaigning across Armenia.

According to official figures, the Way Out alliance received some 122,000 votes (7.8% of the total), which translated into 9 seats in the 105 seat parliament (8.5%). Pashinyan was also a candidate in the 4th electoral district, which comprises the Kentron, Nor Nork, Erebuni, and Nubarashen districts of Yerevan. He gained the most votes (11,513) from the Way Out alliance, while coming third overall— after two Republicans, who each gained more than 20,000 votes. He was thus elected from to the National *embly from this cons*uency. The bloc accepted the results which "on the whole formed as a result of voting by the citizens who took part in the elections." However, the party's official statement accused the ruling Republican party in using "illegal financial and administrative pressures" during the campaign. The statement said that "Tens of thousands of citizens were involved in the chain of vote bribe distribution and acceptance and there is an atmosphere of public tolerance towards that phenomenon, which is a time bomb planted under Armenian statehood." Pashinyan stated that "Money is Armenia's most popular politician."

2017 Yerevan election

Pashinyan topped the list of the Way Out alliance in the 15 May 2017 Yerevan City Council election. He was, thus, the alliance's candidate for mayor of Yerevan. He sought to challenge Taron Margaryan, the Republican Mayor. Pashinyan strongly criticized the poor state of Yerevan's public transportation. His election campaign mostly consisted of house-to-house campaigning. He stated during the campaign, "You can rely on us in replacing this clan-based and corrupt rule in the capital by the people's rule." To counter alleged vote buying by the Republican Party, Pashinyan made an election promise to provide residents of Yerevan 15,000 Armenian drams (~$31) for not taking bribes from the Republican Party if elected mayor. According to media reports, bribes by the ruling party averaged 10,000 drams (~$21). "We would introduce social aid for citizens coerced into taking vote bribes," said Pashinyan. Other opposition parties criticized Pashinyan for the promise. Way Out alliance came in second, garnering 21% of the vote.

2018 revolution

Main article: 2018 Armenian revolution

As early as September 2017, Pashinyan declared that he found it unacceptable for Serzh Sargsyan to extend his rule as prime minister. He believed that hundreds of thousands of people would take it to the streets against Sargsyan's prolonged rule. Pashinyan *ured that there is a political force that will "turn the people's will into political reality." Despite the fact that Sargsyan promised not to be nominated as president or prime minister after his second presidential term, Pashinyan believed that the Republican Party had "already made a de facto internal decision to nominate" him. Although all cons*uent parties of the Way Out alliance found Sargsyan's continued rule as prime minister—his "third term"—unacceptable, there was a disagreement within the alliance whether street protests should be waged against it or not. The roadmap of Pashinyan's Civil Contract was not accepted by Bright Armenia and the Hanrapetutyun Party. Pashinyan's partners were skeptical that the protest would attract large enough crowds. Edmon Marukyan went as far as saying Pashinyan was seeking "short-term glory," and instead advocated acquiring political leverage to keep Sargsyan's government in check. Nevertheless, Civil Contract announced on 20 March 2018 that they will launch a movement against Sargsyan's "third term in office." Vahram Baghdasaryan, the Republican leader in parliament, dismissed Pashinyan's declarations, saying that "Power is not a box which they can pick up. You need grounds to take power."

Pashinyan on 13 April 2018 in Freedom Square, Yerevan at the end of his two-week-long march.

March

On 31 March, Pashinyan and a group of supporters began a march from Gyumri, Armenia's second largest city. The campaign, named "My Step", was declared with the intention to prevent Sargsyan's election as prime minister on 17 April. Pashinyan stated:

Our action plan includes blocking roads, blockading buildings and generating the kind of civic activity that would enable us to go to the National *embly and halt the work of the deceitful state and deceitful regime created by Serzh Sargsyan. We want to enable Armenia's citizens to speak up against Serzh Sargsyan's and the Republican Party's perfidy.

On 11 April, Lena Nazaryan and Ararat Mirzoyan, two MPs from Civil Contract set off smoke flares on parliament floor, calling them "our torch of freedom," at the parliament to publicize the moment further. It was called a "failed show" by the Republican party speaker.

Protests and civil disobedience

Pashinyan surrounded by journalists in Yerevan.

Pashinyan reached Yerevan on 13 April after a 200:km (120:mi) long walk. He called on people to gather at Freedom Square. After a rally, Pashinyan led his supporters to France Square, a major junction in central Yerevan where Mashtots Avenue, Baghramyan Avenue, and Sayat-Nova Avenue intersect. He declared it a "campaign against hopelessness and for dignity." He urged his supporters to stay there overnight and refrain from any kind of violence. He stated that Sargsyan should "feel besieged in Yerevan." Around 200 people stayed overnight in tents or on public benches pulled from nearby sidewalks. Pashinyan called for more acts of civil disobedience, which would paralyze traffic in Yerevan. On 16 April Pashinyan led thousands of his supporters to the parliament building on Baghramyan Avenue. Their march was stopped by police forces who used barbed wire and stun grenades. Pashinyan, among dozens of others, was injured. He attempted to cross the barbed wire line in an effort to break through lines of police armed with batons and shields. Pashinyan called for disruption of the parliamentary session which was to elect Sargsyan as prime minister by blocking the streets leading to the parliament building. On 17 April Pashinyan declared that there is a "revolutionary situation" in Armenia. He called on his supporters to "paralyze the work of the entire state system." Sargsyan was elected prime minister with 76 votes in favor and 17 against. He dismissed the protests led by Pashinyan as too small to be consequential.

Pashinyan speaking to supporters through a loudspeaker gathered at the General Prosecutor's Office.

After Sargsyan was elected prime minister, Pashinyan moved the main protest site to Yerevan's Republic Square where he declared the beginning of a "non-violent, velvet, popular revolution" in Armenia. He continued with calls of "total blockade" of streets and government buildings in and outside Yerevan. He called parliament to elect the "candidate of the people" as an interim prime minister to organize snap parliamentary elections. On 22 April Sargsyan and Pashinyan met at the Armenia Marriott Hotel in Republic Square. Their meeting, broadcast live, lasted only three minutes and was described as "very tense." Addressing Sargsyan, Pashinyan insisted on discussing the "terms of your resignation and peaceful transfer of power." Sargsyan responded: "You have not learned lessons from March 1." Pashinyan considered this a threat of violence against the popular movement. About an hour later, Pashinyan was detained by masked police officers in Yerevan's Erebuni District, where he was marching with his supporters. Two other MPs from Civil Contract were also detained. Armenian police claimed they were "forcibly removed from the site of the gathering" due to an "illegal" demonstration. Unprecedented decentralized protests broke out in different parts of Yerevan despite more than 190 arrests by police. By late evening, more than 100,000 people gathered in and around Republic Square, a far larger crowd than in preceding days. Pashinyan was released on 23 April following a meeting with Karen Karapetyan, the first deputy prime minister. Sargsyan resigned that day. In his statement, Sargsyan said "Nikol Pashinyan was right. I was wrong... The movement in the streets is against my tenure. I am fulfilling your demand. I wish our country peace, harmony and common sense." His resignation prompted m*ive celebrations in Yerevan involving hundreds of thousands of people.

Transfer of power

Following Sargsyan's resignation, Pashinyan insisted that the Republican Party transfer power to the popular movement. He said that the "people's candidate" should be elected prime minister by the Republican-led parliament. He was declared the "people's candidate" at a 25 April rally in Republic Square. Amid talk of Karen Karapetyan being nominated for prime minister, Pashinyan called for further protests. Republican members of parliament pledged not to stop Pashinyan from becoming prime minister, but in a vote on 1 May, his nomination was defeated, 45–56. All but one Republican MP voted against him, while all MPs from the Way Out alliance, and most MPs from the Tsarukyan bloc and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation voted for him. Following the vote, Pashinyan called for a nationwide general strike and boycott of cl*es by university students. He urged people to maintain pressure on the Republican majority in parliament by blocking streets and highways, railroads, and the airports. He accused the Republicans of "announcing war against its own people." Pashinyan called on the Republican party to surrender. He said that political change is "unavoidable and irreversible." Virtually all traffic in Yerevan and on most highways in Armenia was stopped on 2 May by tens of thousands of people. BBC noted that Pashinyan's supporters "brought much of Armenia to a standstill." After Republican parliamentary leader Vahram Baghdasaryan stated that the Republican majority would help Pashinyan be elected prime minister, Pashinyan suspended the protests.

Premiership

Main article: Premiership of Nikol PashinyanSee also: First Pashinyan government and Second Pashinyan government

On 8 May 2018, parliament elected Pashinyan prime minister in a 59–42 vote. Forty-two Republican MPs voted against him, and 13 in favor. He declared "I will serve the people of Armenia and the Republic of Armenia" immediately after the vote. His election sparked m*ive celebrations in Republic Square and elsewhere.

As prime minister, commentators noted the unprecedented popular support Pashinyan had acquired. Pashinyan "currently enjoys near-total support from a consolidated society," wrote Eduard Abrahamyan in May. An opinion poll from early May indicated that 98% of respondents had a positive view of the movement that brought Pashinyan to power. According to the same poll, Pashinyan's Way Out alliance would win a supermajority in the parliament if elections were held then with some 75% of respondents saying they would vote for Way Out.

The day after his election as Prime Minister, Pashinyan traveled to Stepanakert to attend the Shushi Liberation Day and the Victory Day celebrations on his first official foreign visit in this position. Pashinyan made his second foreign visit on 14 May 2018, meeting Russian president Vladimir Putin in the Russian resort city of Sochi.

On the sidelines of the CIS summit in Dushanbe on 27 September 2018, Pashinyan met Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and reached an agreement to instruct their defense ministers to take steps to de-escalate the situation at the Azerbaijani-Armenian border. Following the meeting, Pashinyan said positive things about Aliyev, saying that he left an "impression of an educated person".

In a July–August 2018 poll by the International Republican Ins*ute Pashinyan was viewed favorably by 91% of respondents (and 8% unfavorably), while as prime minister, his work was rated favorably by 82% of respondents, while 17% rated it unfavorably.

On 3 October 2018, Pashinyan fired six cabinet ministers after their political parties (Armenian Revolutionary Federation and Tsarukyan Alliance) supported a bill to limit the prime minister's authority to call snap elections to the National *embly. Just over two weeks later, Pashinyan resigned in protest on Armenian television and became the acting head of government until parliamentary elections were cons*utionally held in early December. Pashinyan's My Step Alliance won the election in a landslide victory, receiving 70% of the vote and winning 88 of the 132 seats in parliament. The Second Pashinyan government was sworn in on 14 January 2019.

Nikol Pashinyan was mentioned on the 2019 top-10 list of world leaders with the most interactions on Facebook. He held the highest interaction rate on that list.

Under Pashinyan's premiership, a number of criminal cases have been opened against former government officials, including former presidents Robert Kocharyan and Serzh Sargsyan. Soon after Pashinyan's election as prime minister, Kocharyan was arrested charged with "overthrowing the cons*utional order" in connection with the violent suppression of protests after the 2008 presidential election; the trial is ongoing. After an Armenian court ordered Kocharyan's release from imprisonment in May 2019, Pashinyan openly accused Armenia's judicial system of corruption and collaboration with representatives of the old regime. Pashinyan called on his supporters to block court buildings and announced his plan to introduce mandatory "vetting" for all judges to investigate possible corruption and links to the old regime. Pashinyan's government planned to hold a referendum in April 2020 to introduce a cons*utional amendment to dismiss seven of the nine judges serving on Armenia's Cons*utional Court. Pashinyan accused the judges of defending members of the old regime from prosecution through its decisions. The referendum was postponed indefinitely due to conditions created by the COVID-19 pandemic.

During the protests following the 2020 Karabakh ceasefire agreement, the National Security Service (NSS) claimed that it foiled an **ination attempt on Pashinyan, uncovering the illegal acquisition and storage of weapons and explosives intended for the attempt. 4 individuals, including ex-NSS head and MP Artur Vanetsyan were arrested in connection to the purported attempt, but later released.

On 25 February 2021, the Chief of the General Staff of the Armenian Armed Forces Onik Gasparyan and more than 40 other high-ranking officers demanded Pashinyan's resignation, accusing Pashinyan of misrule and incomptence. The declaration, which Pashinyan described as a coup attempt, causing a political crisis that ended with Gasparyan's dismissal.

Resignation and reelection

On 25 April 2021, Pashinyan announced his formal resignation from his post of prime minister to allow snap parliamentary elections in June. He continued to act as interim prime minister in the leadup to the election. Following Pashinyan's resignation all members of his cabinet submitted their own resignations, as required by Armenian law. His party won the 2021 election, receiving more than half of all votes.

Economy

Left-leaning observers such as Garen Yegparian and Markar Melkonian have characterized Pashinyan and his government as economically neoliberal. In September 2018 Pashinyan proposed a 23% flat tax on all incomes and gradually decreasing it 0.5% per year to 20%. It was approved by parliament in June 2019 and came into force in 2020.

Pashinyan has stated that "There is only one solution to all our problems, and that solution is called work." He has advocated less taxes for small business, downsizing the government by reducing number of ministries and state agencies, and introduce tax breaks for foreign business willing to invest in Armenia.

Views

Ideology

Throughout his political career, Pashinyan has positioned himself as a post-ideological politician. At a 2016 lecture at the American University of Armenia Pashinyan stated that "Political ideologies have yielded their position to challenges." His critics have pointed to his perceived lack of clear ideology as a weakness. Western sources have described Pashinyan as centrist, progressive, and a liberal democrat. Throughout the 2018 protests Pashinyan and his allies "used somewhat populist rhetoric with leftist overtones, rallying against corrupt elites and advocating for social justice." According to Arsen Kharatyan, one of his allies, Pashinyan advocates meritocracy and egalitarianism.

Political scientist Nerses Kopalyan compared Pashinyan to Emmanuel Macron and cl*ified him as a radical centrist, or better, an "aggressive centrist." According to Kopalyan, Pashinyan supports liberal policies such as strong support for civic society, women's rights, social funding for education, public programs, and a strong emphasis on poverty alleviation and generally conservative policies such as his "obsession with law and order, and an unyielding application of the law to its fullest," austerity-based economic policies, and tax brackets for middle-cl* businesses. Both newspapers edited by Pashinyan, Oragir and Haykakan Zhamanak, were considered by foreign observers as liberal. Anahit Shirinyan, a fellow at Chatham House, suggested that the first Pashinyan government's "overall stance is liberal." Pashinyan has distanced himself from the liberal label. He believes that "-isms" have lost their significance by citing the example of China, which "has combined communism and private property." At a 1 May 2018 speech at the National *embly Pashinyan stated: "I don't consider myself a liberal. In the modern world, 'isms' have lost the meanings they used to have. Now is the era of securing a person's happiness, and it's not the 'isms' but people's happiness and freedom that matter."

Nagorno-Karabakh

Pashinyan with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev in Davos, Switzerland. Both Armenia and Azerbaijan are members of EU's Eastern Partnership.

In 2002, Pashinyan's Haykakan Zhamanak reprinted Levon Ter-Petrosyan's 1997 article *led "War or Peace" in which the latter argued for a compromised solution in the Karabakh conflict, which would include loss of control by Armenian forces of several occupied/liberated territories of Azerbaijan. However, in recent years Pashinyan's position on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has been characterized as consistently hardline. Both in 2016 and 2017 he attacked Ter-Petrosyan's stance on Karabakh. In a July 2016 interview Pashinyan stated that "There is no land to hand over to Azerbaijan," referring to the Armenian-controlled territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh. He also claimed that Artsakh has its own claims which are controlled by Azerbaijan, namely the Shahumyan region.

During the 2018 protests, he stated at Yerevan's Republic Square: "Long live the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, which will finally become an inseparable part of Armenia." According to *yst Emil Sanamyan, Pashinyan returned to the original goal of the Karabakh movement, from which the official position of Armenia had shifted in advocating Karabakh as an independent political en*y. Pashinyan believes that the negotiations and settlement around the Nagorno-Karabakh issues should be "undertaken within the framework of the OSCE Minsk Group," however, he also claims that the "rhetoric used by current leadership of Azerbaijan doesn't create an environment for a realistic settlement." He stated in a May 2018 interview: "It is impossible to talk about mutual concessions in the resolution of the conflict when Azerbaijan is trying to destroy the Armenian statehood. Negotiations on mutual concessions will begin only when Azerbaijan recognizes the right of the people of Karabakh to self-determination." Following the 2016 April War, Pashinyan stated that Armenia should not negotiate with Azerbaijan in any format that does not include a Karabakh Armenian (NKR) representative.

In an April 2018 interview with BBC Pashinyan argued that there cannot be "constructive dialogue" between Armenia and Azerbaijan as long as Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev talks about conquering Yerevan and "capitulation" of Armenia and Karabakh. Pashinyan visited Stepanakert on 9 May 2018 the day after his election as Prime Minister, to take part in celebrations of the Liberation of Shushi and Victory Day. He stated at a meeting with Artsakh President Bako Sahakyan: "I believe that the format of the negotiations is flawed as long as one of the sides of the conflict—the Artsakh leadership—is not a part of the negotiations." In January 2019 Pashinyan declared that "We can't even discuss the lands-for-peace formula," referring to the proposal that the Armenian side return most of the territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh without any guarantees about Nagorno-Karabakh's future status. During a visit to Nagorno-Karabakh in August 2019, Pashinyan declared "Artsakh is Armenia, and that's it" and led a crowd in chants calling for the unification of Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh, which Azerbaijani officials responded to extremely negatively. Following the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war, Pashinyan signed a ceasefire agreement that returned Armenian-controlled territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh to de facto Azerbaijani control, which led to protests and calls for his resignation by a number of prominent political figures.

Foreign policy

Pashinyan in Kazakhstan, 8 November 2018See also: List of international prime ministerial trips made by Nikol Pashinyan

Pashinyan has been described by political commentator Grigor Atanesian as a "Moscow-skeptic democrat," who has "championed an Armenia-centric approach, arguing that there's no place for pro-Russian or pro-Western political forces in the country." In 2014 Pashinyan's Civil Contract party declared that they advocate the "no-no" policy regarding full integration into either Russia-led union or integration into the EU. In an April 2018 interview he stated, "Many now present me in the Western media as a pro-Western politician. I have stated many times that I am not pro-West, not pro-Russia, not pro-US—I am a pro-Armenian politician." During the 2018 protests, Pashinyan was cautious to frame it as the "first m* movement in the post-Soviet space in the last 20 years that is not *ociated with any foreign power."

Thomas de Waal wrote that Pashinyan is "not exactly anti-Russian—or, rather, is so only by implication as he talks about European values and democracy." Political *yst Mikayel Zolyan suggested that Pashinyan's criticism of Armenia's relations with Russia from the opposition was "not so much from a pro-Western point of view, but as a state-minded person whose priority is not geopolitical orientation but Armenia's sovereignty." Political scientist Simon Saradzhyan noted that no matter his personal views, Pashinyan realizes that Armenia has "no viable alternative but Russia as its guarantor of security, while it faces two hostile bordering states, Azerbaijan and Turkey."

Relations with Russia

See also: Armenia–Russia relations Nikol Pashinyan and Vladimir Putin in Sochi, 14 May 2018.

In 2013 he voted against Armenia's membership to the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union, claiming it threatened Armenia's national security and sovereignty. Pashinyan argued that Armenia's membership to the union could hurt Armenia's relations with its neighbors, including Iran. RFE/RL noted in 2016 that Pashinyan's Civil Contract party "advocates a more neutral Armenian foreign policy" than Bright Armenia (led by MP Edmon Marukyan), and Republic (led by former PM Aram Sargsyan)—the two other members of the Way Out alliance—who have a pro-Western orientation. In August 2017 RFE/RL noted that Pashinyan "repeatedly objected last year to some pro-Western politicians’ calls for Yerevan to leave Russian-dominated trade bloc." Nonetheless, the Way Out Alliance parliamentary faction approved a draft statement by the parliament demanding the government to start a process of invalidating Armenia's accession treaty with the EEU.

Pashinyan with Putin, Nursultan Nazarbayev, Saad Hariri and Shavkat Mirziyoyev at the FIFA World Cup in Russia, 14 June 2018 Pashinyan with Putin, Xi Jinping, António Guterres, Rumen Radev and Sophie Shevardnadze at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, 7 June 2019

In 2016 he criticized and voted against the Armenian-Russian agreement on creation of the Unified Regional Air Defence System in the Caucasus by arguing that Armenia should "develop a system of air defence of sovereign Armenia. Why should we transfer our own air defence system under the command of Russia?" He stated that Russia "cannot be considered a real guarantor of Armenia's security. This kind of agreement with Russia creates only the illusion of a strengthening of security." In April 2018 he stated that he will not pull out of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and that he has "no problems with the Russian bases" in Armenia by citing Armenia's bad relations with Turkey. The Russian base in Gyumri, he said, guards the Turkish-Armenian border and Armenia needs it. In December 2018 he stated that Armenia does not seek NATO membership, but will continue to preserve relations with that organization.

Relations with Turkey

See also: Armenia–Turkey relations

Pashinyan's Haykakan Zhamanak supported the normalization process that then-President Serzh Sargsyan and Turkish President Abdullah Gül initiated, however, he criticized the "government's way of pursuing it." As Prime Minister, Pashinyan called Turkey's positions "illogical" regarding their precondition to solve the Karabakh conflict prior to establishing diplomatic relations. Pashinyan stated that his government remains committed to the international recognition of the Armenian Genocide. In November 2018 Pashinyan reiterated that Armenia is ready to normalize its relations with Turkey without preconditions. He claimed that the recognition of the genocide is "not a matter of Armenian-Turkish relations", but instead is a "security issue for us and a matter of international security, and it is our contribution to the genocide prevention movement and process."

In October 2019 Pashinyan condemned the Turkish invasion of the Kurdish-controlled northeastern areas of Syria, otherwise known as Rojava.

Relations with Iran and the United States

Nikol Pashinyan and Ali Larijani in Iran

Pashinyan stated that Armenia's relations with Iran will not only be maintained, but improved, despite the sanctions against Iran. He said that the U.S. "understands our situation and policy" and that good relations with the United States is also "very important" to Armenia."

Violence in politics

Pashinyan considers Nelson Mandela the most outstanding politician. At the 2018 Nelson Mandela Peace Summit at the United Nations (UN) in New York, Pashinyan stated that Mandela "to a great extent influenced my conscience." When asked whether he prefers the tactics of Che Guevara or Mahatma Gandhi Pashinyan stated that the tactics of struggle depend on the environment and cir*stances in which people are located. "Che Guevara fought against a totalitarian regime, while Gandhi was trying to gain independence from the country that invented parliamentarism." Eduard Aghajanyan, who became his chief of staff, compared Pashinyan to both Gandhi and Mandela. His 2018 march from Gyumri to Yerevan was inspired by Gandhi's 1930 Salt March. He stated, "I understood that the best way to prevent violence is to be nonviolent." During the 2018 protests, he stated that "We must rule out violence not only as action but also as counteraction".

2016 Yerevan police station standoff

Main article: 2016 Yerevan hostage crisis

On 17 July 2016 an armed radical opposition group, Founding Parliament, seized a police station in Yerevan demanding the resignation of Serzh Sargsyan. Pashinyan was one of the first people to speak with Varuzhan Avetisyan, leader of the group, inside the police station. Pashinyan later demanded the authorities to allow him to meet with the jailed leader of the group, Jirair Sefilian, whose release his supporters demanded. Pashinyan stated that "We must do everything to prevent further bloodshed because the situation is in deadlock and can get out of hand at any moment." His party, Civil Contract, urged the authorities not to use force and negotiate with the self-proclaimed "rebels." On 20 July night Pashinyan intervened and successfully prevented further clashes after more than 50 supporters of the gunmen were injured by government forces during an attempt to approach the seized police station. He was later told by gunmen not to give "instructions to people there." Pashinyan called for Serzh Sargsyan's resignation on 22 July and release of political prisoners. He called on Armenians to demonstrate in the streets demanding Sargsyan's resignation. Varuzhan Avetisyan, however, accused Pashinyan of hijacking their "armed uprisin